---

Dr. Amjad Hamid Abdullah Muhammad – University of Karbala – College of Islamic Sciences
Professor of Critical Curricula and Islamic Thought

First: Religion and Society

Religion is that hidden metaphysical force which governs the observable world, and, in my humble opinion, it remains far from being fully discovered. It still requires considerable and exhaustive efforts to explore. However, any attempts, no matter how modest, are important in this regard. This is especially true when considering the observations of Dr. Azeddine Aïnaya, a professor of religious studies at both the University of Rome “La Sapienza” and the “Orientale” in Italy, who points out in his introductory article for the translation of the book Sociology of Religion that “there is a huge deficiency in the tools of knowledge and scientific methods associated with tracing religious phenomena in contemporary Arab culture. The number of works authored or translated in the field of sociology of religion barely exceeds the number of fingers on one’s hand” (D. Sabino Acquaviva & D. Enzo Bacchi, 2011: 7).

Dr. Azeddine Aïnaya further draws the reader’s attention to a crucial observation that seems to impede the growth of research in the field of religious sociology among Arab scholars. This observation is that “studies in religious studies in Sharia colleges often became detached from sociology departments” (D. Sabino Acquaviva & D. Enzo Bacchi, 2011: 8). Due to the significance of Dr. Aïnaya’s scholarly contributions and his broad understanding of the academic scene surrounding the field of sociology of religion, I have adopted his viewpoint and observations as important. Hence, I find it essential to write about Dr. Ali al-Mu’min’s valuable work in this field, particularly his studies focused on the sociology of Shiite religion, a field which remains underexplored, with very few studies or research on this topic, making it one of the most obscure areas for scholars of sociology of religion in general.

In any case, to study religious sociology, there are four fundamental concepts that must be present as starting points:

1. At the first level, religion has deep psychological roots as it is an expression of measures taken by an individual to address their unmet needs, which creates discomfort due to their lack of fulfillment, and in the face of the objective limits of existence.
2. At the second level, religion – at least in some aspects – is influenced by the social and cultural environment, the institutional framework, and the sacred universe in which it is rooted. It should be noted that the latter provides uniqueness to the experience.
3. At the third level, since the matter concerns a process of transcendent fulfillment of certain needs, and the elevation of the spiritual goals of our existence, religious experience – at least the considered one – tends to alleviate distress and seems to end up becoming a source of stability for less disturbed personalities.
4. At the fourth level, ultimately, the fulfillment or absence of fulfilling needs generates a series of psychological strategies, including, in the case of transcendent fulfillments, religious fulfillment. (Sabino Acquaviva and Enzo Pacchi/ 2011: 10-11).

Second: The Study of Religious Sociology Between the Problem and the Solution:

The dominance of theory in Islamic thought presented on the global stage has made the view of it closer to the added problem than the desired solution. This is due to the theoretical horizon being distant from the realities and practical visions, and the lack of epistemological approaches based on real-world origins derived from society and human experience.

Regarding the Iraqi Islamic experience, there are specific traits that require thinkers and writers of a special caliber, who have kept up with societal movements culturally, politically, economically, epistemologically, and otherwise. We have witnessed a number of individuals who have emerged in the public sphere as political, economic, and administrative theorists and specialists in scientific research. Each of them has their achievements and failures, as is the human condition. However, what drew my attention – considering my specialization in critical approaches and Islamic thought – is the presence of a writer and thinker who begins from the existential origin, the human being, and follows its societal traits and wave-like movement through the civilizational input, both vertically and horizontally. Despite the importance of economic, political, and administrative aspects, the social aspect, with its epistemological depth, remains fundamental for Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min. The social function of religion, for him, remains the most present. This reminds us of the statements of Max Weber, who dealt with the issue of religion, but linked it to magic, superstition, and myth. Weber believes that “magic is an effort exerted by primitive man to control nature and achieve his material interests, such as curing diseases, rain that nourishes the earth, and the sun that ripens fruits” (Dr. Abdullah Al-Khuraiji / 1990: 61).

Weber also studies primitive peoples in Australia, where religion plays a dominant role in social relations at times, and is influenced by the social reality at other times through mutual influence and the principle of fulfilling needs, but on a collective level. For example, a tribe might avoid a specific practice among its members, following a religious principle such as prohibiting the “forbidden,” but it allows its members to do so with members of other tribes unless there is an alliance or treaty between the two tribes that prevents it. Religion also facilitates the exchange of services and cooperation in providing food, water, and other resources (Dr. Abdullah Al-Khuraiji / 1990: 61-62).

Diving into the challenging task of analyzing the religious phenomenon and purging its veins and fabric from what has attached to it, mixed with it, or confused with it, in order to clarify its vision, represents a significant risk, especially with the great overlap between the religious, economic, and political spheres. However, the social aspect can provide a more accurate understanding, independent of the non-neutral, non-objective pragmatic tendencies of politics and economics.

We find that “the religious phenomenon was intertwined with both the political and economic phenomena, but this overlap did not indicate a union of the nature of these phenomena. These phenomena are indeed different legally, and one cannot be reduced to the other. What happens is that they mix with each other, explain each other, and later social development takes on the task of distinguishing between these different phenomena, separating the phenomena or systems that each satisfy a particular need.” (Roger Bastide/1951: 212).

This is what we observe in the process of untangling and clarifying that Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min performs in his study of religious sociology in Iraq, for example, when he excludes the distant image that seems to depict politics in society without considering the religious aspect. We see this, for instance, in his writings about Shiite sociology in Iraq, questioning whether it is a Shiite society or an Iraqi one, whether politics intersects with religion or with society, or whether politics merges with society. It is a complex process of deconstruction, analysis, and diagnosis, but it is enlightening when it becomes a means to solve the puzzles in understanding the nature of Iraqi society and its collective behaviors, away from the last image drawn by Dr. Ali Al-Wardi, which remains etched in people’s minds.

Between the two “Ali’s” (theories of Al-Wardi and Al-Mu’min), there is a vast gap as wide as the chasm between Al-Wardi’s theory and the reality of Iraq, which emphasizes the need for a more contemporary understanding that is mature and deeper. It is not enough for Dr. Ali Al-Wardi to believe that “the human soul needs religiosity the way the body needs food. Religiosity is like psychological nourishment for the human being, who is always threatened by dangers and problems. He fears death, and thus needs a doctrine and religious rituals to help him face these terrifying matters, strengthen his willpower, and restore peace of mind regarding them.” (Ali Al-Wardi/2009: 247), for his view of Iraqi society and its religiosity to be profound.

Yes, he described what he saw clearly, but he did not transcend environmental factors, such as between bedouin life, rural areas, and urbanism. For him, the social dimension was merely a reflection of the environment. Accordingly, his evaluation of the religious aspect in Iraq was shaped by his inability to explain the phenomenon of the Shi’ite affiliation of Arab tribes that migrated to Iraq. This was because he did not deconstruct religion from its intersections with politics, economics, and society, and instead focused on the environmental dimension of society. This led him to apply this perspective to his understanding of religiosity in Iraqi society (Ali Al-Wardi/2009: 250).

The engagement of writers and thinkers with issues represents their awareness of the hierarchy of priorities. Some prioritize economics over others, while others emphasize politics, and so on. However, the truth that imposes itself, and which Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min has armed himself with, is that the human being comes before other issues, whether in an individual or collective sense, with an attempt to balance between the individual and the group. But in the beginning, it was the human being, and we must approach the study of social phenomena based on his own perceptions, not from external influences that we assume to have absolute power and influence over him, such as the environment, politics, or economics. Rather, we must start from the human being’s own perceptions. We see him fasting as a religious act, thus renouncing his pleasures, and giving alms and charity as a religious duty, thereby renouncing his wealth, regardless of his environment or political and economic status. Therefore, when we look at Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min’s approach to studying religious sociology, particularly in Iraq, we find reasons to expect the accuracy of his conclusions.

Third: The Shiite Religious Sociology:

Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min presents his vision of Shiite religious sociology, opening a new area of social research that, while important and rich with information, is also difficult and complex. One example of his approach is his handling of a critical issue regarding revealing the dominant social and religious forces in Iraqi reality. He elaborates on the distinction between Shi’ism in Iraq and the ethnocultural identity of the Shi’a, which leads Dr. Al-Mu’min to an important diagnosis he addresses under the title: “Iraqi Society and Shiite Society: Which One Shaped the Other?” I found this to be a very significant and important attempt, as it analyzes Iraqi and Shiite social realities in a smart, scientific way, unraveling many of the complex puzzles in Iraqi communities. Among these, is the contradiction between the Iraqi identity and the “foreign” identity (المستعرَق), a topic that I plan to revisit at another time due to its significance. However, for now, I prefer to focus the discussion on the equation of similarity between Shiism in Iraq and the ethnocultural identity of the Shi’a.

Dr. Al-Mu’min has carefully examined the two social natures of Iraqis by capturing the most significant aspects of their social movements through history, as reflected in available sources, and the Shi’a since the inception of Shi’ism during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). He asserts that “in Iraq, specifically in Kufa, Baghdad, and Najaf, the global Shiite religious social system emerged,” and proceeds to explore questions such as: “How did the Iraqi nature reflect on the general Shiite behavior? How was the influence and reciprocity between the development of Shi’ism and the gathering of the Shi’a? And which one influenced the other more significantly?”

From his precise analysis, Dr. Al-Mu’min concludes that “the Iraqi social influences and environment had a greater impact on Shiite behavior than Shi’ism’s impact on the Iraqi society.” He clarifies that the nature of Shi’ism does influence society through the established religious characteristics over the years, which accompanied its formation. He further explains that “the secret of the intertwining, interaction, and overlap between the Shiite and Iraqi societies is not only related to Shi’ism and the Shi’a but also to the inherent Iraqi environment—namely the Sumerian and Babylonian heritage of the Euphrates and the southern region, and its historical composition over five thousand years.” This environment naturally aligns, both psychologically and behaviorally, with the doctrine of Shi’ism and its revolutionary, opposing historical path.

Dr. Al-Mu’min does not stop at explaining the environmental influence but expands on his meaning of the environment, stating that it goes beyond geography, climate, and terrain. He elaborates that “the original Iraqi environment is one of rejection, opposition, revolution, and rebellion against authority, rulers, and oppressors,” which led it to naturally align with the path of Shi’ism—an opposition to the ruling authority and its political and religious systems. He explains that this created the space for “the Iraqi environment’s influence on the Shi’ite path, shaping its character of rejection and opposition.”

The danger in this diagnosis lies in the fact that Shi’ism became adaptable to the ever-changing nature of Iraqis, and Iraqis did not adhere strictly to the fixed course of Shi’ism, following their Imam as they were supposed to. This is evident both in theory and practice, as “Shiite religious sociology, in its local and global forms, is a result of the interaction between the original Iraqi environment, its social behaviors, and the formation of Shi’ism.”

A critical question arises: Why did the “Iraqi-ness” of the Shi’a dominate over the Shi’ism of Iraq? This is particularly clear in the declarations of Amir al-Mu’minin (PBUH) in Kufa and the statements of the Imams who followed him (PBUH). This leads to another question: What if Shi’ism had dominated the “Iraqi-ness” instead? Would we have witnessed a character marked by obedience to the infallible and support for him in the social realm, instead of rebellion and abandonment? Would the tragedy of Karbala have unfolded as it did, or would victory have been with Imam Husayn (PBUH) had the Iraqis embraced true Shi’ism? Did the tragedy happen with such bloodshed because of the “Iraqi-ness” of the Shi’a?

Historians often fall into the cyclical view of history, where “history repeats itself.” However, I seek a knowledge-based approach, as knowledge produces historical movement. As Amir al-Mu’minin (PBUH) said to Kumayl bin Ziyad: “There is no movement without knowledge… take from us, and you will be one of us.” This means that the cyclical nature of history is caused by the cyclical nature of knowledge. This is how we understand history through the lens of Amir al-Mu’minin (PBUH), and how flawed beliefs produce more Mu’awiyas and more Hajjaj if they are repeated. “How you are, so will it be upon you.” Therefore, I believe that if the belief system is correct, it can correct the course of history. This is how I interpret the reappearance of the Mahdi (PBUH): “Where is the one who will demolish the structures of polytheism and hypocrisy?” He will demolish distorted beliefs and knowledge and replace them with righteous ones. Hence, I lean towards the necessity of Shi’izing Iraq as an existential strategy for Iraq and minimizing the effect of “Iraqi-ness” on Shi’ism.

Anyone who reads Dr. Al-Mu’min’s works will find a comprehensive discussion of the Iraqi social traits that dominated Shi’ism and diverted it from its original course, from support to abandonment, as evidenced by the statements of the Ahl al-Bayt (PBUH) and historical events. Ultimately, this is what the Awaited Imam (PBUH) will do, and every movement contrary to his will inevitably leads to destruction.

Fourth: What I have observed in Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min’s efforts:

For quite some time now, I have been reading this insightful writer, following his ideas, and revisiting them—just as I do when reading—by tracing their philosophical roots, analyzing their patterns, and connecting them to the early thinkers and their legacies. I found that Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min possesses many admirable qualities, and here are some of the most beautiful aspects of his work, which I hope to elaborate on in detail at another opportunity:

1. Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min views the human being as both a goal and a means in his writings. Therefore, he strives not to burden the individual with responsibility for everything without reaping any rewards, as is the case with pessimistic and defeatist philosophies and ideas that only lead to despair, frustration, and the collapse of human existential foundations.
2. He starts from the context of the society he aims to address, not imposing preconceived intellectual frameworks that might add problems if applied. He avoids pushing concepts that may conflict with the realities of the society he studies.
3. He attempts a knowledge-based approach in learning from diverse experiences without resorting to superficial and failed political approaches. This is evident in his writings on democracy and his efforts to establish an Islamic foundation.
4. He uses his own tools to closely feel and touch reality, ensuring that the available information for analysis is as accurate as possible, which leads to results that carry significant value.
5. His humility and cultural presence have solidified his acceptance of differing views and his openness to feedback on his own ideas. We find significant adjustments in his thoughts as a result, which speaks to a level of awareness that is essential for intellectuals and thinkers in this giving nation.
6. This final observation encourages me to ask Dr. Al-Mu’min to focus more on the intellectual aspects of the human being and its relationship with state-building institutions. Ignoring this often overlooked area is one of the reasons for the failure of these institutions in contemporary times. Dr. Al-Mu’min has the capacity to activate this field.
7. I would also like to propose another avenue for his work: the field of futurism, particularly in the context of institutionalizing the relationship between society and authority with a knowledge-based framework.

I firmly believe that Dr. Ali Al-Mu’min deserves recognition. The best way to honor him would be to give him the opportunity to create a research team to implement his ideas, with appropriate government funding and the required freedom to address important issues related to the Iraqi state and its connection to the institutionalization of society on solid civilizational foundations. How bright would the morning be when an Iraqi creative mind is honored in the presence of prominent intellectual, cultural, and academic elites? This, in itself, would be a victory for the human being over one of the most pressing problems of our time: the fear of the intellectual elite being crushed under the weight of the marginal and the transient. This is now one of the most dangerous side effects of the chaos (and hypocrisy) we live in today.

Sources and References:

1. R. Bastide, translated by Mahmoud Qassem, Principles of the Sociology of Religion, Anglo-Egyptian Printing Press, Cairo, 1951.
2. Sabino Acquaviva and Enzo Paci, translated by Dr. Azeddine Ainaya, Sociology of Religion: Issues and Contexts, Dar Kalima, Abu Dhabi, 2011.
3. Abdullah Al-Khurayji, Sociology of Religion, Ramatan, 2nd edition, Jeddah, 1990.
4. Ali Al-Mu’min, The Shiite Religious Sociology: The Constants of Foundation and the Variability of Reality, Center for Arab Studies, Beirut, 2020.
5. Ali Al-Wardi, A Study in the Nature of Iraqi Society, Dar and Library of Dijlah and Euphrates, Beirut, 2009.